Monday, May 30, 2005
Russia's Economy Slows Down Despite Record Oil Prices
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Thursday, May 26, 2005
Russia's Investment Climate Is Improving, But Not Fast Enough
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Monday, May 23, 2005
EBRD Forecasts Economic Growth Slowdown and Investor Flight From Russia
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Common Economic Misconceptions and the Politics of Trade
05-23-2005 Pavel Erochkine - Russia Profile - The latest opinion polls show that a new fear is emerging among the Russian population that, more than 15 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, a new wall is appearing between Russia and Europe.
Policymakers in the European Union accept that EU-Russia relations are close to a post-Soviet low. A package of four common spaces â economy; external security; freedom, security and justice; and education, research and culture â was designed to develop the relationship, which is based on the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1997, and set an ambitious agenda for partnership for the next several years. Both sides hope that the package will be adopted at the EU-Russia summit on May 10.
At a recent conference in Luxembourg on EU-Russia relations, which was organized by the Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies and by the New Eurasia Foundation, almost all experts and policymakers agreed that most of the current problems result from lack of strategic vision and mutual understanding.
There are significant misconceptions about, for example, the proposed Common Economic Space, and one of the surprises at the EU-Russia summit will likely be the realization that this economic space is not about economics at all.
The EU is Russiaâs single largest trading partner, and its share in Russiaâs trade turnover has become dominant. It has increased from 37 percent in the mid-1990s to more than 50 percent today. Although much less significant, Russiaâs share in EU trade will soon double from 4 percent to 8 percent. The economic links between Russia and the EU have been strengthening. Yet this increased economic integration has been driven by the expansion of the EU, economic growth and higher commodity prices, and not by reductions in trade barriers. Political ups and downs in EU-Russia relations have had very little effect on trade and financial flows.
Russian policymakers see the main benefit of the Common Economic Space in facilitating trade and investment, which are dominated by energy and are dangerously dependent on world oil prices. They are interested in diversifying Russiaâs trade with the EU by getting the best deals for Russian companies in, for example, agriculture. They are fighting wholeheartedly over health and sanitation standards that could hurt Russian producers. Russiaâs World Trade Organization accession negotiations have been driven by a similar pragmatism.
In contrast, for the EU, the Common Economic Space is a political issue. An official EU paper on the Common Economic Space states that the EUâs main interests are to foster political and economic stability in Russia, to contribute to the strengthening of the rule of law through the development of institutions and of legislative and judicial systems. The EU also hopes to support measures for a better investment climate in Russia, and to cooperate in combating âsoft security threats.â These are the EUâs official objectives, and the paper does not mention anything related to the topics important to Russia, such as trade or economic integration.
The historical truth is that common economic spaces are rarely driven by economics. One of the first such spaces was COMECON, which from 1949 to 1991 linked the Soviet Union to Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania and East Germany. Although more than 70 percent of an average memberâs trade was within COMECON, it was an ideological system, and not a market system based on the comparative advantages of different members. Russia kept the system going by supplying other members with subsidized energy, and the system rapidly collapsed when this stopped. Russia and the East European members of the former COMECON have switched most trade from the CIS to the EU. Russiaâs interest in COMECON was political and ideological, not economic. Todayâs EU-Russia relations are the reverse.
The EU wants to have a market-oriented, democratic and well-governed neighbor, and not a bigger trading partner. The road maps and plans for legislative harmonization are designed accordingly. The Common Economic Space is not really intended to foster further economic integration, which is occurring anyway, but to make Russia accept certain rules and to force it into a certain framework. Many in the EU genuinely believe that they are creating this new framework for the benefit of both Russia and the EU.
Russia has huge mineral wealth, well-educated people and unexploited industrial potential. What it lacks is good governance, and it is rightly argued that introduction of European norms could help Russia turn the corner in this crucial area.
When one side talks about the rules of behavior and the other thinks they are taking about trade, it is inevitable that misunderstandings and clashes will occur. There are very similar problems in other areas.
Mutual understanding is the most powerful driver in international relations, and it is absent in the relations between Russia and the EU. The EU should make clear what it wants from Russia and what it thinks the benefits for Russia and the EU will be. Russia should do the same. They have to agree on common interests and have to form a common vision about their partnership, and only then can they create common spaces to accommodate them.
Policymakers in the European Union accept that EU-Russia relations are close to a post-Soviet low. A package of four common spaces â economy; external security; freedom, security and justice; and education, research and culture â was designed to develop the relationship, which is based on the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1997, and set an ambitious agenda for partnership for the next several years. Both sides hope that the package will be adopted at the EU-Russia summit on May 10.
At a recent conference in Luxembourg on EU-Russia relations, which was organized by the Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies and by the New Eurasia Foundation, almost all experts and policymakers agreed that most of the current problems result from lack of strategic vision and mutual understanding.
There are significant misconceptions about, for example, the proposed Common Economic Space, and one of the surprises at the EU-Russia summit will likely be the realization that this economic space is not about economics at all.
The EU is Russiaâs single largest trading partner, and its share in Russiaâs trade turnover has become dominant. It has increased from 37 percent in the mid-1990s to more than 50 percent today. Although much less significant, Russiaâs share in EU trade will soon double from 4 percent to 8 percent. The economic links between Russia and the EU have been strengthening. Yet this increased economic integration has been driven by the expansion of the EU, economic growth and higher commodity prices, and not by reductions in trade barriers. Political ups and downs in EU-Russia relations have had very little effect on trade and financial flows.
Russian policymakers see the main benefit of the Common Economic Space in facilitating trade and investment, which are dominated by energy and are dangerously dependent on world oil prices. They are interested in diversifying Russiaâs trade with the EU by getting the best deals for Russian companies in, for example, agriculture. They are fighting wholeheartedly over health and sanitation standards that could hurt Russian producers. Russiaâs World Trade Organization accession negotiations have been driven by a similar pragmatism.
In contrast, for the EU, the Common Economic Space is a political issue. An official EU paper on the Common Economic Space states that the EUâs main interests are to foster political and economic stability in Russia, to contribute to the strengthening of the rule of law through the development of institutions and of legislative and judicial systems. The EU also hopes to support measures for a better investment climate in Russia, and to cooperate in combating âsoft security threats.â These are the EUâs official objectives, and the paper does not mention anything related to the topics important to Russia, such as trade or economic integration.
The historical truth is that common economic spaces are rarely driven by economics. One of the first such spaces was COMECON, which from 1949 to 1991 linked the Soviet Union to Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania and East Germany. Although more than 70 percent of an average memberâs trade was within COMECON, it was an ideological system, and not a market system based on the comparative advantages of different members. Russia kept the system going by supplying other members with subsidized energy, and the system rapidly collapsed when this stopped. Russia and the East European members of the former COMECON have switched most trade from the CIS to the EU. Russiaâs interest in COMECON was political and ideological, not economic. Todayâs EU-Russia relations are the reverse.
The EU wants to have a market-oriented, democratic and well-governed neighbor, and not a bigger trading partner. The road maps and plans for legislative harmonization are designed accordingly. The Common Economic Space is not really intended to foster further economic integration, which is occurring anyway, but to make Russia accept certain rules and to force it into a certain framework. Many in the EU genuinely believe that they are creating this new framework for the benefit of both Russia and the EU.
Russia has huge mineral wealth, well-educated people and unexploited industrial potential. What it lacks is good governance, and it is rightly argued that introduction of European norms could help Russia turn the corner in this crucial area.
When one side talks about the rules of behavior and the other thinks they are taking about trade, it is inevitable that misunderstandings and clashes will occur. There are very similar problems in other areas.
Mutual understanding is the most powerful driver in international relations, and it is absent in the relations between Russia and the EU. The EU should make clear what it wants from Russia and what it thinks the benefits for Russia and the EU will be. Russia should do the same. They have to agree on common interests and have to form a common vision about their partnership, and only then can they create common spaces to accommodate them.
Friday, May 20, 2005
Foreign investment in Russia on the rise
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Thursday, May 19, 2005
EBRD Issues Ruble-Denominated Bonds
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EBRD PIONEERS RUBLE BONDS
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Monday, May 16, 2005
MORGAN STANLEY INCREASES RUSSIAN COMPANIES' WEIGHT BY 15%
MOSCOW, May 14 (RIA Novosti) - Morgan Stanley investment bank announced changes in its stock indexes yesterday, causing the weight of the Russian index in the regional index MSCI Emerging Market grew by 15%. It was the biggest increase in the weight of Russian companies in the MSCI index in the past few years, Kommersant reported. Because of this, the MSCI Russia index includes new papers - MTS, VimpelCom, AFK Sistema, the steel group Mechel, Wimm-Bill-Dann, VolgaTelecom and Transneft. The weight of shares that had been included in the index before, like those of LUKoil, Surgutneftegaz and Norilsk Nickel, decreased. Mosenergo shares were removed from the index. Experts describe the increase, which many big investors use as a guideline for forming their portfolio, as a clearly positive factor for Russia as a whole. In the past, the MSCI index included only the shares that were actively marketed in the RTS and MICEX. But now it also includes Russian companies whose papers are marketed on Western exchanges like the London Stock Exchange and the New York Stock Exchange. This will give additional support to the Russian shares, said Alex Kantarovich, chief strategist at Aton. Funds with equities worth $100 billion take into account MSCI Emerging Market indexes when deciding how to invest. Fund manager's attention will be drawn above all to the new companies included in the index, Kantarovich said. This will have the biggest effect on the least liquid of companies included in the index - VolgaTelecom and Transneft, said Ovanes Oganesyan, an analyst with Renaissance Capital. A big fund that invests 2% of its portfolio in Transneft shares will greatly increase the quotations of the liquid company, he said. Changes in the indexes are effective since May 31, but investors are expected to form their portfolios in advance.
CHINA TO LAUNCH ITS LARGEST FOREIGN INVESTMENT PROJECT IN ST. PETERSBURG
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Thursday, May 12, 2005
IMF Predicts Russian Economic Growth at 6% in 2005
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Wednesday, May 11, 2005
China to Invest $12Bln in Russian Economy by 2020
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According to the agency's source, trade and economic cooperation between the two countries is developing successfully. The source noted that in 2004, trade turnover between Russia and China was the highest in the history of bilateral relations. According to the data provided by Russian statistics, the volume of trade turnover amounted to almost $15 billion, while Chinese statistics show a figure of $21.2 billion.
Based on the results of last year, Russia became China's ninth largest trade partner. The source also recalled that the Russian and Chinese governments have agreed to increase the volume of bilateral trade to $60 billion by 2010.
Wednesday, May 04, 2005
New Opportunities For Russian-American Partnership
May 4, 2005 Moscow. (Sergei Rogov, for RIA Novosti) - George Bush and Vladimir Putin will have an opportunity to stabilize U.S.-Russian relations when they meet during the 60th anniversary celebrations of VE Day in Moscow. This will only benefit both countries, as they, just like the rest of the world, have to counter common threats, such as international terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, simmering regional conflicts, and emerging global economic and environmental problems. Peace and stability across the planet can only be achieved through joint efforts and this is the foundation of long-term partnership between Russia and the United States. During their February summit in Bratislava, the two presidents adopted important decisions on cooperation in ensuring nuclear security and on preventing terrorists from using nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, bilateral relations are not at their highest ebb, as negative attitudes toward each other have emerged in both countries. The reasons for this are well known. The United States is worried about Russia's "backsliding" on democracy and pursuing a "neo-imperialist policy" on the domestic scene. Russia is concerned about U.S. policy in Ukraine and other CIS nations. Nor is it happy about U.S. attempts to secure "regime change" in those countries that fail to meet its standards of democracy. Democrats in Congress and Republican right-wingers have made renewed calls to deter Russia, thereby trying to revive the spirit of the Cold War in Russian-U.S. relations. Indeed, many people in Russia, to say nothing of America and Europe, say America and the West as a whole are Russia's eternal foes and partnership is impossible. Today, 15 years after the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia may be forced "to pay" for losing the Cold War. In other words, it will be treated as a third-rate country that should toe the winners' line. Russia will never accept this approach. It wants to cooperate with the U.S. on the basis of trust, but will not be dictated to as it was in the 1990s, when it was told what economic policy to pursue and how it should act in the former Soviet republics. In his state of the nation address on April 25, President Putin emphasized that democratic values were an absolute priority for Russia. But will Russia be able to become a mature democracy with a developed market economy if it remains isolated from advanced democracies or is locked in confrontation with them? At an April 28 news conference, President Bush virtually rebuffed the hard-liners' calls to forego partnership with Russia. In his opinion, Russia and the U.S. can and should cooperate despite current disagreements. Recent events in Kyrgyzstan, where both Russia and the U.S. have military bases, create more opportunities for Russian-American cooperation. Through concerted efforts they can help prevent al-Qaida-linked fundamentalists from destabilizing the situation in Central Asia. Considering that the Russian and American troops are deployed close to each other, it would make sense to let them cooperate and conduct joint maneuvers. Moreover, both Russia and the U.S. can cooperate in fighting drug production in Afghanistan and trafficking out of the country. Russia is seriously concerned about the production of drugs since the fall of the Taliban regime, as Afghanistan has now turned into the main transshipment point for sending drugs from Central Asia to Russia and Europe. Russia's decision to join the NATO Status of Forces Agreement creates more opportunities for expanding and stabilizing Russian-American contacts. This agreement covers the legal aspects of personnel and equipment deployment on foreign territory and regulates their transit. This means the U.S. and NATO can supply their troops in Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan via Russian territory. Cooperation in this sphere will promote mutual trust and demonstrate that Russia and the U.S. are not engaged in some idle competition. Other post-Soviet nations, like Georgia and Ukraine, will see it as an example to follow. At any rate, they will realize that it is pointless to exploit Russian-American contradictions. When the Russian and U.S. presidents issued a joint statement marking the 60th anniversary of Soviet-U.S. meeting on the Elbe, they said the new century had brought more opportunities for building a lasting peace on the foundations of law and common values of freedom and democracy. As Russia and the United States develop a closer partnership, the Elbe meeting serves as reminder of the opportunities they can provide for themselves and the rest of the world when they are united in the face of global challenges and cooperate for the sake of progress. Sergei Rogov is the director of the Institute of the U.S.A. and Canada, and a corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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